Why Are Positive Emotions Understudied?
Everyone wants to feel positive emotions like happiness, excitement, and love. Despite this, research on how to cultivate such emotions has only recently begun to flourish with the rise of movements like positive psychology.
So why have scholars chosen to neglect such an important dimension of the human experience?
In her article (1998), Fredrickson offers three possible explanations.
Positive emotions are few and less differentiated
Overall, there appear to be fewer positive emotions than there are negative ones. Indeed, for every positive emotion specified in scientific taxonomies, there are three or four negative emotions (Ellsworth & Smith, 1988).
Likewise, positive emotions seem to be less differentiated in their expression. While negative emotions like anger, sadness, and disgust will elicit unique changes in one’s facial expression, emotions like joy, contentment, and relaxation are likely to produce quite similar expressions, such as the raised lips associated with a smile (Ekman et al., 1987).
This lack of differentiation among positive emotions often crops up when we try to recall emotional memories.
To illustrate, try reflecting on one or two positive interactions with a friend and identify the emotions they elicited. Chances are, you’d describe them as enjoyable, fun, relaxing, or possibly all three.
Now, think about a couple of negative interactions with a friend and try to describe these in emotional terms.
You will probably find that the words you choose will be quite specific to the situation. For instance, if you got into an argument with a friend who divulged a secret of yours, you might feel betrayed or hurt. However, you would not feel this way if you were visiting your friend in the hospital. Instead, you would probably feel concerned, yet these situations both elicited negative emotions.
Scientists speculate that the reason for this differentiation among negative emotions may come down to natural selection and survival. Whereas opportunities to feel positive may serve to boost our wellbeing temporarily, a failure to respond to threats risks killing us either directly or through disconnection from others on whom we depend for survival.
Therefore, this differentiation in our experience of negative emotions may have helped our ancestors respond appropriately in life-threatening situations (Nesse, 1990).
Problems demand attention
Negative emotions create problems for individuals and society, pointing to yet another reason for scholars’ focus on them (Fredrickson, 1998).
For instance, those who cannot contain their anger may be prone to acts of violence. Chronic experiences of negative emotions can lead to physical ailments, such as heart disease, which places a burden on healthcare systems (Barefoot, Dahlstrom, & Williams, 1983). Further, the chronic experience of sadness (i.e., depression) may lead to suicide.
While many links have been drawn between negative emotions and undesirable outcomes, there are much fewer links between positive emotions and negative outcomes. Perhaps one exception is the experience of mania or euphoria, alternating with depression among sufferers of bipolar (Fredrickson, 1998).
Nonetheless, these clear links between negative emotions and adverse outcomes for individuals and society point to yet another reason psychologists have likely neglected the study of positive emotions. However, as we will discover, positive emotions may play an important yet understudied role in guarding us against negative psychological and physical ill-being.
Theorists link emotions to action tendencies
Positive emotions don’t demand specific action tendencies in the same way that negative emotions do, and this does not align with most models of emotion forwarded by theorists.
In psychology, the phrase action tendency refers to the urge to act in a particular way.
Most prototypical models of emotions are characterized by a focus on negative emotions, and these models tend to link emotions to specific action tendencies. For instance, anger urges us to attack or flee, and guilt encourages us to make amends.
Since interest in positive emotions has grown, scholars have struggled to draw similar causal links between positive emotions and behavior. To illustrate, consider the following question:
What action tendency should follow from the emotion of joy?
Unlike emotions like anger or guilt, one could do just about anything while in a state of joy. You might go for a walk somewhere new, play a musical instrument, or laugh with a friend.
Therefore, positive emotions appear to be linked with a state of “free activation” that invites experimentation, aimlessness, and willingness to pursue whatever opportunities present themselves (Frijda, 1986).
The trouble with this conclusion, while likely true, is that it runs contrary to existing models of negative emotions that draw links between emotions and specific action tendencies as survival mechanisms, such as fear that prompts us to flee from oncoming danger.
The consequence is that models of positive emotions have tended to lump all positive emotions together, rather than exploring each and its consequences deeply (Fredrickson, 1998).
2 Assumptions for a Theory of Positive Emotions
So if positive emotions don’t protect us by promoting specific action tendencies, what purpose do they serve?
In an attempt to answer this question, Fredrickson (1998) begins by doing away with two key presumptions.
First, she argues that, unlike negative emotions, positive emotions need not yield specific action tendencies. Instead, they leave us free to engage in a diverse range of possible behaviors.
Second, she suggests that any action tendencies positive emotions elicit need not necessarily be physical but may also be cognitive. These changes in cognition may then flow on to affect behavior.
For example, the positive emotion of interest may spark changes in cognition; one might begin speculating about a topic, such as a historical event or the species of a strange-looking insect he or she has happened upon while on a walk. That emotion of interest may then indirectly influence behavior via cognition, such as if the person conducted a Google search on the historical event or began poking the bug with a stick.
What our readers think
Insightful article, thanks very much. I agree and my understanding of this theory is growing. I imagine the potential if we get to apply and integrate more of the learnings.